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The most powerful influences on a person€™s notion of good behaviour come from observation of other people €“ as noted by Adam Smith:
€œWe do not originally approve or condemn particular actions, because, upon examination, they appear to be agreeable or inconsistent with a certain general rule. The general rule, on the contrary, is formed, by finding from experience, that all actions of a certain kind, or circumstanced in a certain manner, are approved or disapproved of.€� [1]
In other words, people adjust their behaviour in order to please others in a community, or to avoid displeasing them. The influence of other people is stronger if the relationship is closer[2] €“ as can be illustrated graphically:

Supportive behaviour might not be expected with strangers, but hostility would
not be expected either. Strangers are entitled to expect socially-acceptable
behaviour from each other but it would be unrealistic to suppose that they
exert any other influence. Some criteria for socially-acceptable behaviour are
suggested later in this chapter (4.4.2).
Moral support, in this context, is characterised by words like €˜security€™, €˜affection€™, €™trust€™, €˜cooperation€™.[3] Membership of a community is of value, because of the support that it brings, and communities are able to exert a correspondingly powerful moral influence over their members;[4] they confer the benefit of moral support in exchange for an obligation to reciprocate and to conform to expected behavioural norms. The penalties for non-compliance take the form of moral sanctions, which can be very effective: stigmatising bad behaviour puts pressure on people who are transgressing, and ostracising them can have a profound impact.
The pressure to conform, and the type of moral support received, is significantly different between family members (4.3.2.1), communities (4.3.2.2), and wider society (4.3.2.3).
© PatternsofPower.org, 2014
[1] Adam Smith€™s interpretation of moral influence appeared in The Theory of Moral Sentiments, Part III, Chap. IV., para. 8. It was available in May 2014 at http://www.econlib.org/library/Smith/smMS.html.
[2] Frans de Waal , in his article How bad biology killed the economy, pointed out that mice €œfrom the same home box€� exhibit empathy in a way that they do not feel with strangers, and he continues by saying:
€œThis is a typical bias that is also true of human empathy: the closer we are to a person, and the more similar we are to them, the more easily empathy is aroused.€�
This article, which was referred to earlier (4.2.4.3), was published in the Winter 2009 edition of the RSA Journal; it was available in May 2014 at http://www.thersa.org/fellowship/journal/archive/winter-2009/features/how-bad-biology-killed-the-economy. This article appeared at about the same time as publication of his book The Age of Empathy.
[3] Frans de Waal described supportive behaviour in the same article.
[4] Amitai Etzioni wrote about the supportive value of communities, and their role in governance:
€œMany communities are confessional, ethnic or both. They tend to command a strong sense of loyalty and mutual responsibility €“ like families writ large.€�
€œCommunities, importantly, also provide informal social controls that reinforce the moral commitments of their members and, in turn, help make for a largely voluntary social order. The most effective way to reinforce norms of behaviour is to build on the fact that people have a strong need for continuous approval from others, especially from those with whom they have affective bonds of attachment (members of their communities).€�
This appeared in an article Strength in numbers, published in the RSA Journal in Autumn 2009. The article was available in May 2014 at http://www.thersa.org/fellowship/journal/archive/autumn-2009/features/strength-in-numbers.