6.7.7.1 Seeking National Advantage by Coercion

(This is a current page, from the Patterns of Power Edition 3 book contents.  An archived copy of this page is held at http://www.patternsofpower.org/edition03/6771.htm)

Populations have come to expect their governments to try, ‘in the national interest’, to influence the behaviour of other countries.

To take American neo-conservativism as an example (6.2.4.4), Condoleezza Rice’s article Rethinking the National Interest argued that “An international order that reflects our values is the best guarantee of our enduring national interest, and America continues to have a unique opportunity to shape this outcome”.  And the Project for a New American Century stated its requirement for:

“…a military that is strong and ready to meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that accepts the United States’ global responsibilities”.[1]

This assumes that America’s “principles” – including its belief in democracy and individual freedom – would benefit every country.  This is not how everyone sees it.  As pointed out by Amitai Etzioni, in his book Security First, this policy appears to other countries like a desire to overthrow their governments.[2]

America is not alone in attempting to set the political agenda in other countries.  As described later, Russia has recently been active in Ukraine (7.3.5) – and Britain has thrown its weight about historically.

Politicians have several ways of exercising coercion, either with or without formal international agreement:

  • They can use economic inducements and sanctions, as already described (3.3.7.2). These work to everybody’s economic disadvantage and they are of questionable effectiveness.
  • Political coercion can take the form of offering concessions, or refusing to co-operate, in international negotiations – on economic and environmental matters for example.
  • The next chapter describes the use of military power – “hard power” in various forms (7.3) – and itemises several reasons why that rarely leads to a stable outcome (7.4).  America has had several expensive and unsuccessful interventions in other countries, followed by periods of retrenchment.[3]

All these forms of coercion have adverse political consequences:

  • Any form of coercion undermines the legitimacy and the soft power of those who use it. There is no agreed or established right whereby one country may exercise any form of dominion over another, irrespective of their relative sizes and military strength.
  • When members of the Security Council undermine the UN by misusing their vetoes, they also undermine their own legitimacy. For example, America’s support of Israel on the Security Council (6.6.6.2) reduces its credibility with Israel’s Arab neighbours.
  • Coercion strengthens the target country by giving its leaders a form of political legitimacy (6.3.6), enabling them to call for domestic unity to resist the threat.
  • There are risks in trying to prop up an unpopular incumbent government – as Americadid in the 1960s and 1970s with the Shah of Iran for example.[4]  When the propped-up government finally falls there is less likelihood of future cooperation with that country; Iran still refers to America as “Great Satan USA”.[5]
  • The unilateral exercise of power is not impartial. Western interventions have not been welcome; as observed in an Economist article Moral authority, needed and absent:

“…the cumulative effect is terrible, chiefly because it looks so selective.  When the West worries about oil, weapons of mass destruction, or terrorism, it finds a high-sounding excuse to do what it wants.  When it can’t be bothered to intervene (Darfur, Zimbabwe, Burma) or has useful but nasty allies (Saudi Arabia, Uzbekistan) it pleads realpolitik.  That characterisation is unfair, but many people, particularly in Russia, find it all too convincing.”

The result has diminished the West’s influence.

  • Countries which use war as an instrument of policy will be judged by all the criteria of a ‘just war’ (3.5.5); those who are seen to have breached those guidelines have impaired their future relationships with other countries.[6]
  • Future co-operation becomes much less likely, with the country which is being coerced and with countries which aren’t involved.

Appearing to be strong on the international stage, referred to earlier as aggressive nationalism (6.6.4.3), is a way of courting political popularity at home.  It is easy to persuade people that the appearance of power means that their country is respected, and that their government is doing the best for them by acting coercively, but any apparent short-term domestic political gains from the use of coercion are temporary and are also offset by what other countries see as a misuse of power.

© PatternsofPower.org, 2014

Back 

Next

[1] In September 2000, the Project for a New American Century published a document entitled REBUILDING AMERICA’S DEFENSES: Strategy, Forces and Resources For a New Century; it was available in April 2018 at http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/pdf/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf.

[2] A review of Amitai Etzioni’s book Security First was available in April 2018 at http://www.academia.edu/10975273/Review_of_Amitai_Etzioni_Security_First_For_a_Muscular_Moral_Foreign_Policy.

[3] Joseph Nye’s essay, Where in the World Are We?, was published in the Spring edition of Democracy Journal and was available in April 2018 at http://democracyjournal.org/magazine/40/where-in-the-world-are-we/.  It included this description of American retrenchment (following World War 2, the Korean war, Vietnam and the 2003 invasion of Iraq):

“Retrenchment is not isolationism, but an adjustment of strategic goals and means.  Presidents who followed policies of retrenchment have included Eisenhower, Nixon, Ford, Carter, the first Bush, and Obama.  While Nixon believed the United States to be in decline, others, like Eisenhower, did not.  They were all strong internationalists when compared to the true isolationists of the 1930s.”

[4] On 5 June 2009 the BBC published an article entitled Iran Archives: The Shah in Power, which described America’s support for the Shah and the resulting Iranian resentment.  It was available in April 2018 at http://www.bbc.co.uk/panorama/hi/front_page/newsid_8084000/8084860.stm

[5] On 14 August 2006 the BBC published a report: Iran’s president launches weblog.  This report, which was available in April 2018 at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/4790005.stm, contained several allegations of American aggression and included the quotation “Great Satan USA”.

[6] The Quaker paper, Speak Truth to Power, pointed out that America’s policies during the Cold War diminished its standing in the world:

“Most Americans have always wanted independence for the Indo-Chinese, self-determination for African peoples, and liberation of Latin Americans and Asians from the economic bondage in which many millions live.  Yet in country after country we find ourselves allied with those forces which stand in the way of the revolutionary changes that are demanded.”

This paper was published in 1955 and its message remains relevant today; in April 2018 it was available at http://www.quaker.org/sttp.html.